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TIME: Almanac of the 20th Century
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TIME, Almanac of the 20th Century.ISO
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1990
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94
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05099915.000
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1995-02-15
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<text id=94TT0587>
<link 94XP0551>
<link 94TO0160>
<title>
May 09, 1994: South Africa:Fight for White Rights
</title>
<history>
TIME--The Weekly Newsmagazine--1994
May 09, 1994 Nelson Mandela
</history>
<article>
<source>Time Magazine</source>
<hdr>
COVER STORIES, Page 34
The Ugly Fight for White Rights
</hdr>
<body>
<p> "We are Boer people! We are fighters!" thundered Eugene Terreblanche,
leader of the Afrikaner Resistance Movement (A.W.B.), the bastion
of white supremacists unwilling to accept South Africa's changing
destiny. "I think there will be more explosions and more actions
if the government ignores the just claim of my people who demand
some land." The fiery rhetoric inspired some of the 300 khaki-clad
men and pistol-packing women to rough up and then oust a black
American reporter attending the otherwise desultory rally. The
motive behind all the violence: a whites-only homeland.
</p>
<p> The election-eve bombings are more likely to signal the last
gasp of a weak, splintered racist Afrikaner minority than the
start of the long-threatened great Boer revolt. Three of the
32 arrested are close to Terreblanche, including leaders of
his personal bodyguard unit, the elite Iron Guard. The long,
resolute march of democracy has caused deepening divisions within
the white right. "The bombing campaign," says Wim Booyse, a
political consultant in Pretoria, amounts to "a struggle for
control of the heart of the right wing."
</p>
<p> The fortunes of apartheid-forever whites have been declining
steadily since the all-white referendum on reform in 1992, when
moderates gave President F.W. de Klerk's National Party a landslide
victory over the diehards led by the Conservative Party. Since
then the number of active right-wing organizations has declined
from 186 to 20.
</p>
<p> Although the A.W.B., the most militant of the groups, claims
65,000 members, analysts say there are no more than 15,000,
fewer than 5,000 of whom are violent activists. Most members
are working-class or poor whites struggling as crop farmers
and factory workers to make ends meet--the Afrikaners who
feel most threatened by black equality in the workplace.
</p>
<p> The election drove a wedge between Terreblanche and his political
ally, Afrikaner Volksfront leader Ferdinand Hartzenberg, and
the supporters of former South African Defense Force chief Constand
Viljoen. All three men want an Afrikaner state, or volkstaat,
but Terreblanche and Hartzenberg believe it can be achieved
only by the gun. Viljoen thinks he can persuade the government
to grant Afrikaners their own piece of the country. In March
he formed the Freedom Front Party and registered to participate
in the elections. If he wins support, as expected, from more
than half the estimated 1 million conservative white voters,
it will prove that a majority support peaceful rather than violent
moves to win their political and cultural goals.
</p>
<p> Viljoen was wooed away from the hard-liners with a promise from
the African National Congress that a volkstaat council would
be set up in the new government to explore the possibility of
an Afrikaner homeland. The A.N.C. has largely defused the right-wing
threat, placating many frightened whites by accepting a mandatory
government of national unity for five years and guaranteeing
jobs and pensions for more than 200,000 civil servants, policemen
and soldiers.
</p>
<p> The bombs that went off in Johannesburg, however, are proof
that a few hate-filled racist groups are capable of carrying
out sabotage and murder for the foreseeable future. The A.W.B.-aligned
Volksfront is planning acts of civil disobedience aimed at provoking
confrontations with government security forces. Many South Africans
may think it fitting if the A.N.C. chooses to use some of the
same methods to crack down on the right that the apartheid government
used against its freedom fighters for the past 46 years.
</p>
</body>
</article>
</text>